John Hancock (January 23, 1737 [O.S. 12 January 1736] - October 8, 1793) was a prominent American trader, statesman, and Patriot of the American Revolution. He served as president of the Second Continental Congress and was the first and third Governors of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. He is remembered for his large and stylish signature on the Declaration of Independence of the United States, so much so that the term John Hancock has become synonymous in the United States for the signature of a person.
Before the American Revolution, Hancock was one of the richest men in the Thirteen Colonies, inheriting a lucrative trade business from his uncle. He started his political career in Boston as protà © à © Samuel Adams, an influential local politician, although the two men later became alienated. Hancock used his wealth to support the colonial cause as tensions escalated between the colonists and the British in the 1760s. He became very popular in Massachusetts, especially after British officials confiscated his battleship Liberty in 1768 and accused him of smuggling. The charge was finally dropped; he is often described as a smuggler in historical records, but the accuracy of this characterization has been questioned.
Hancock was one of Boston's leaders during the crisis that led to the outbreak of the American Revolutionary War in 1775. He served more than two years at the Continental Congress in Philadelphia, and he was the first to sign the Declaration of Independence in his position as president of the congress. He returned to Massachusetts and was elected governor of the Commonwealth, serving in that role for much of his later years. He used his influence to ensure that Massachusetts ratified the United States Constitution in 1788.
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John Hancock was born on January 23, 1737 in Braintree, Massachusetts in a part of town that eventually became a separate city of Quincy. He is the son of Colonel John Hancock Jr. from Braintree and Mary Hawke Thaxter (widow Samuel Thaxter Junior), who came from nearby Hingham. As a child, Hancock became a casual acquaintance of the young John Adams, whom Reverend Hancock had been baptized in 1735. The Hancock family lived a comfortable life, and had a slave to help with housework.
After Hancock's father died in 1744, John was sent to live with his uncle and aunt, Thomas Hancock and Lydia (Henchman) Hancock. Thomas Hancock is the owner of a company known as the House of Hancock, which imports manufactured goods from the UK and exports rum, whale oil, and fish. Thomas Hancock's highly successful business has made it one of Boston's richest and most distinguished residents. He and Lydia, along with several servants and slaves, live in Hancock Manor on Beacon Hill. The couple, who had no children of their own, became a dominant influence on John's life.
After graduating from Boston Latin School in 1750, Hancock enrolled at Harvard College and received a bachelor's degree in 1754. After graduation, he began working for his uncle, just as the French and Indian Wars (1754-1763) had begun. Thomas Hancock had close ties with the Massachusetts royal governor and secured favorable government contracts during the war. John Hancock learned a lot about his uncle's business during these years and was trained for the eventual partnership at the company. Hancock works hard, but he also enjoys playing the role of rich nobleman and developing a passion for expensive clothing.
From 1760 to 1761, Hancock lived in England while building relationships with customers and suppliers. Upon his return to Boston, Hancock gradually took over the House of Hancock when his uncle's health failed, becoming a full partner in January 1763. He became a member of Mason Lodge from St. Andrew in October 1762, which connected him with many of Boston's most influential citizens. When Thomas Hancock died in August 1764, John inherited the business, Hancock Manor, two or three domestic slaves, and thousands of acres of land, becoming one of the richest men in the colony. The household slave continued to work for John and his aunt, but was eventually released through the will of Thomas Hancock; there is no evidence that John Hancock ever bought or sold slaves.
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Increased imperial tension
After his victory in the Seven Years War (1756-1763), the British Empire was deeply indebted. Looking for new sources of income, the British Parliament seeks, for the first time, to directly impose taxes on colonies, beginning with the Sugar Act of 1764. Molasses Act of 1733, tax on shipments from the West Indies, has produced almost every income because it is widely bypassed by smuggling, which is seen as a crime without a victim.
Not only is there little social stigma attached to smuggling in the colonies, but in port cities, where trade is the main source of wealth, smuggling enjoys considerable community support, and it is even possible to get insurance not to get caught. The colonial merchants developed an impressive repertoire of evasive maneuvers to hide their origin, nationality, route, and unlawful charge charge. This includes the frequent use of fake documents to make the cargo seem legal and official. And much to the frustration of British authorities, when convulsions occur local traders often can use provincial courts sympathetic to reclaim confiscated goods and disperse their cases. For example, Edward Randolph, the head of customs duties appointed in New England brought 36 attacks to court from 1680 until the end of 1682 - and all but two of them were released. In addition, traders sometimes take action into their own hands and steal illicit goods back when confiscated.
The Sugar Act provoked outrage in Boston, where it was widely seen as a violation of colonial rights. People like James Otis and Samuel Adams argue that since the colonists are not represented in Parliament, they can not be taxed by that body; only the colonial assembly, in which the colonists are represented, can levy taxes on the colonies. Hancock is not yet a political activist; However, he criticized taxes for economic reasons, not constitutional.
Hancock emerged as a prominent political figure in Boston as tensions with Britain increased. In March 1765, he was chosen as one of five elected in Boston, an office his uncle had held for many years. Soon afterwards, the Parliament passed the Law of Cap 1765, a tax on legal documents, such as wills, which had been levied in Britain for years but which was very unpopular in the colonies, resulted in organized riots and resistance. Hancock initially took a moderate position: as a faithful British citizen, he thought that the colonists should submit to the act, although he believed that Parliament had gone wrong. Within a few months, Hancock had changed his mind, though he continued to reject violence and intimidation of royal officials by the masses. Hancock joined the resistance against the Stamp Act by participating in a boycott of British goods, which made him popular in Boston. After Bostonians learned of the lifting of the Stamp Act, Hancock was elected to the Massachusetts House of Representatives in May 1766.
Hancock's political success benefited from the support of Samuel Adams, scribe of the House of Representatives and leader of Boston's "popular party", also known as "Whig" and later as "Patriots". The two men were in pairs. Fifteen years older than Hancock, Adams has a bleak Puritan outlook that contrasts sharply with Hancock's taste for luxury and luxury. The Apocryphal Stories then describe Adams as Hancock's increasing political brains so that the merchant's wealth can be used to continue the Whig agenda. Historian James Truslow Adams describes Hancock as superficial and pointless, easily manipulated by Adams. The historian William M. Fowler, who wrote biographies of both men, argues that this characterization is exaggerated, and that the relationship between the two is symbiotic, with Adams as mentor and governor Hancock.
Townshend Acts crisis
After the revocation of the Postage Act, Parliament took a different approach to increase revenue, passing through 1735 Townshend Acts, which assigned new duties on various imports and strengthened customs agencies by creating the American Customs Board. The British government believes that a more efficient customs system is needed because many American colonial merchants have been smuggling. Smugglers violate the Navigation Act by trading with ports outside the United Kingdom and avoiding import taxes. Parliament hopes that the new system will reduce smuggling and generate revenue for the government.
Colonial merchants, even those not involved in smuggling, find oppressive new regulations. Other colonists protest that new tasks are another attempt by Parliament to tax the colonies without their consent. Hancock joined other Boston residents to call for a British import boycott until the Townshend job was revoked. In the enforcement of customs regulations, the Customs Council is targeting Hancock, the richest Whig in Boston. They may suspect that he was a smuggler, or they might want to harass him for his politics, especially after Hancock insulted Governor Francis Bernard by refusing to attend public events when customs officials were present.
On April 9, 1768, two customs officials (called tapper ) boarded the Hydock Lydia brigade in Boston Harbor. Hancock is summoned, and finds that the agents do not have a general search warrant, he does not allow them to go under the deck. When one of them made it into the hold, the Hancocks forced the maker back onto the deck. Customs officials wanted to sue, but the case was dropped when Massachusetts Attorney General Jonathan Sewall ruled that Hancock was not breaking the law. Then, some of Hancock's most enthusiastic fans will call this incident the first act of physical resistance to British authority in Hancock's colonies and credit by starting the American Revolution.
Freedom affair
The ensuing incident proved to be a major event in the coming of the American Revolution. On the night of May 9, 1768, the Hancock Liberty Lifeboat arrived at Boston Harbor, carrying a Madeira wine ship. When the customs officers checked the ship the next morning, they discovered that it contained 25 wine pipes, only a quarter of the ship's carrying capacity. Hancock paid duties for 25 wine pipes, but officials suspect that he has arranged for more wine to be unloaded at night to avoid paying duties for the entire cargo. They have no evidence to prove this point, however, because two tidal people who stayed on board overnight gave sworn statements that nothing had been taken down.
One month later, while the British warship HMS Romney was at the port, one of the reverse flows changed his story: he now claims that he had been forcibly detained at Liberty while it had been illegally dismantled. On June 10, the customs officers seized Liberty . The Boston guys are angry because the captain Romney has impressed the colonists, and not just the Royal Navy defectors, the activities that are practically illegal. Riots broke out when officials began pulling Liberty out to Romney, which is also arguably illegal. Confrontation increases as sailors and marines come to the beach to snatch the wrong Liberty for the press gang. After the riots, the customs officers moved to Romney , and then to Castle William (an island fortress in the harbor), claiming that they were not safe in the city. Whigs insisted that the customs officers exaggerated the danger so London would send troops to Boston.
British officials filed two lawsuits stemming from the incident of Liberty : the under brake setting of the vessel, and the personal suits against Hancock. The royal official, as well as the accuser Hancock, stood for finance, because, as is customary, punishments judged by the court would be granted to governors, informants, and Crowns, each getting a third. The first lawsuit, filed on June 22, 1768, resulted in the seizure of Liberty in August. Customs officials then used ships to enforce trade rules until burned by angry colonists in Rhode Island the following year.
The second trial began in October 1768, when allegations were filed against Hancock and five others for allegedly dismantling 100 wine pipes from Liberty without paying any dues. If proven guilty, the defendants must pay a penalty three times the value of the wine, which reached £ 9,000. With John Adams serving as his lawyer, Hancock was tried in a heavily publicized trial by an admiralty court representative, who has no jury and does not always allow the defense to cross-examine witnesses. After dragging it out for nearly five months, the trial proceedings against Hancock were dropped without explanation.
Although the allegations against Hancock were revoked, many writers later described him as a smuggler. The accuracy of this characterization has been questioned. "Hancock is guilty or innocent and the right accusation against him," wrote historian John W. Tyler in 1986, "is still fiercely debated." Historian Oliver Dickerson argues that Hancock is a victim of a criminal blackmail scheme perpetrated by Governor Bernard and customs officials. Dickerson believes that there is no reliable evidence that Hancock is guilty in the case of Liberty , and that the purpose of the trial is to punish Hancock for political reasons and to rob his property. Opposing Dickerson's interpretation is Kinvin Wroth and Hiller Zobel, editor of legal documents John Adams, who argues that "Hancock is innocent open to question", and that British officials act legally, if not wisely. Lawyers and historian Bernard Knollenberg concluded that the customs officer had the right to seize the Hancock ship, but pulling it out to Romney was illegal. The legal historian John Phillip Reid argues that the testimony of the two parties is partially political so it is impossible to reconstruct the incident objectively.
Apart from the affairs of Liberty , the extent to which Hancock was involved in smuggling, which may have been widespread in the colonies, has been questioned. Given the clandestine nature of smuggling, notes are extremely rare. If Hancock is a smuggler, no documentation is found. John W. Tyler identified 23 smugglers in his studies of over 400 revolutionary Boston merchants, but found no written proof that Hancock was one of them. Biographer William Fowler concludes that while Hancock may be involved in smuggling, most of his business is legitimate, and his subsequent reputation as "the king of the colonial smugglers" is a groundless myth.
Massacre to Tea Party
The Liberty affair reinforced a previously-made British decision to suppress riots in Boston by demonstrating military power. The decision had been requested by the Circular Letter of 1768 Samuel Adams, who was sent to other British colonies in America in the hope of coordinating opposition to Townshend Acts. Lord Hillsborough, the secretary of state for the colonies, sent four British Army regiments to Boston to support the embattled kingdom officials, and instructed Governor Bernard to order the Massachusetts parliament to revoke the Circular. Hancock and Massachusetts House chose not to cancel the letter, and instead made a petition calling for Governor Bernard. When Bernard returned to England in 1769, Boston citizens were celebrated.
But British troops remained, and tensions between soldiers and civilians eventually resulted in the killing of five civilians in the Boston Massacre in March 1770. Hancock was not involved in the incident, but after that he led a committee to demand the transfer of troops.. Met with replacements of Bernardus, Governor Thomas Hutchinson, and the ruling British officer, Colonel William Dalrymple, Hancock claimed that there were 10,000 armed colonies ready to march to Boston if the troops did not leave. Hutchinson knew that Hancock was bluffing, but the soldiers were in a dangerous position while marching inside the city, so Dalrymple agreed to move the two regiments to Castle William. Hancock is celebrated as a hero because of his role in attracting troops. His election back to Massachusetts House in May was almost the same.
After Parliament revoked part of Townshend's duties in 1770, Boston's boycott of British goods ended. Politics became more calm in Massachusetts, though tensions remained. Hancock tried to improve his relationship with Governor Hutchinson, who in turn tried to seduce Hancock from the influence of Adams. In April 1772, Hutchinson approved Hancock's election as a colonel from the Boston Cadet, a militia unit whose primary function was to provide ceremonial escort for governors and the General Court. In May, Hutchinson even approved Hancock's election to the Council, the upper house of the General Court, whose members were elected by the House but had to be vetoed by the governor. Hancock's previous election to the Council has been vetoed, but now Hutchinson allows the election to stand. Hancock refused the post, however, not wanting to appear to be co-opted by the governor. However, Hancock uses an improved relationship to resolve the ongoing dispute. To avoid a crowd of enemies in Boston, Hutchinson has held legislative out-of-town; now he agrees to allow the General Court to sit in Boston once again, for the help of legislators.
Hutchinson has dared hope that he can win Hancock and discredit Adams. For some, it seems that Adams and Hancock are at odds: when Adams formed the Boston Committee of Correspondence in November 1772 to advocate for colonial rights, Hancock refused to join, creating the impression that there was a split in the Whig rank. But whatever their differences, Hancock and Adams came together again in 1773 with the renewal of major political turmoil. They collaborated in the disclosure of Thomas Hutchinson's private letters, where the governor seemed to recommend "a reduction of so-called English freedom" to bring order into the colony. The Massachusetts House, blaming Hutchinson for Boston's military occupation, called for his dismissal as governor.
Even more problems were followed by the Parliament section of the 1773 Tea Act. On 5 November, Hancock was elected moderator at a Boston city meeting that decided that anyone who supported the Tea Law was "Enemy to America". Hancock and others tried to force the resignation of the appointed agents to receive tea deliveries. Not succeeding in this, they tried to keep the tea down after three tea boats arrived in Boston Harbor. Hancock was at a decisive meeting on December 16, where he reportedly told the crowd, "Let everyone do what is right in their own eyes." Hancock did not take part at the Boston Tea Party that night, but he approved of the action, though he was careful not to praise the destruction of private property.
Over the next few months, Hancock is disabled by gout, which will complicate it with increasing frequency in the coming years. On March 5, 1774, he had recovered enough to deliver the fourth annual Massacre oration, a memorial to the Boston Massacre. Hancock's speech denounced the presence of British troops in Boston, which he said had been sent there "to establish adherence to the actions of Parliament, which neither God nor man had ever empowered them to make". The speech, possibly written by Hancock in collaboration with Adams, Joseph Warren, and others, was published and reprinted extensively, enhancing Hancock's stature as a leading Patriot.
Revolution begins
Parliament responded to the Tea Party with the Boston Port Act, one called the Criminal Act intended to strengthen British control of the colonies. Hutchinson was replaced as governor by General Thomas Gage, who arrived in May 1774. On June 17, the Massachusetts House selected five delegates to be sent to the First Continental Congress in Philadelphia, organized to coordinate colonial responses to the Corruption Stories. Hancock did not serve at the first Congress, perhaps for health reasons, or perhaps to stay in power while other Patriot leaders left.
Gage immediately sacked Hancock from his post as colonel of the Boston Cadet. In October 1774, Gage canceled a scheduled meeting at the General Court. In response, the Parliament decided on its own to the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, an independent body of British control. Hancock was elected president of the Provincial Congress and is a key member of the Security Committee. The Provincial Congress created the first minutemen company, consisting of militias who had to be ready for action with a moment's notice.
On December 1, 1774, the Provincial Congress selected Hancock as a delegate to the Second Continental Congress to replace James Bowdoin, who was unable to attend the first Congress due to illness. Before Hancock reported to the Continental Congress in Philadelphia, the Provincial Congress unanimously elected him back as president in February 1775. Hancock's double role gave him enormous influence in Massachusetts, and as early as January 1774 British officials had considered arresting him. After attending the Provincial Congress in Concord in April 1775, Hancock and Samuel Adams decided it was not safe to return to Boston before leaving for Philadelphia. They live in Hancock's childhood home in Lexington.
Gage received a letter from Lord Dartmouth on April 14, 1775, advising him "to catch the main actors and upset in the Provincial Congress, whose process appears in every light to be an act of betrayal and rebellion." On the night of April 18, Gage sent an army detachment to an ill-fated mission that would spark the American Revolutionary War. The purpose of the British expedition was to seize and destroy the colony's preserved military supplies in Concord. According to many historical records, Gage also instructed his men to capture Hancock and Adams; if so, the written order issued by Gage does not mention the arrest of the Patriot leader. Gage apparently decided that he did not get anything by capturing Hancock and Adams, because other leaders would just take their place, and England would be described as an aggressor.
Although it is clear Gage decided not to use Hancock and Adams, initially the Patriots believe otherwise. From Boston, Joseph Warren sent Paul Revere's envoys to warn Hancock and Adams that British troops were moving and might try to catch them. Revere reached Lexington around midnight and gave a warning. Hancock, still considered himself a militia colonel, wanted to bring a field with the Patriot militia at Lexington, but Adams and others assured him to avoid fighting, arguing that he was more valuable as a political leader than as a soldier. When Hancock and Adams escaped, the first shot of the war was fired at Lexington and Concord. Immediately after the battle, Gage issued a proclamation giving general forgiveness to all who would "lay down their arms, and return to the duties of peaceful subjects" - with the exception of Hancock and Samuel Adams. Alienating Hancock and Adams in this way only adds to their fame among the Patriots.
President of Congress
With the war going on, Hancock walked to the Continental Congress in Philadelphia with another Massachusetts delegation. On May 24, 1775, he was elected President of the Continental Congress, replacing Peyton Randolph after Henry Middleton rejected the nomination. Hancock is a good choice for the president for several reasons. He is experienced, as he often leads the legislature and city meetings in Massachusetts. His wealth and social status inspired the confidence of moderate delegates, while his relationship with the Boston radicals made him acceptable to other radicals. His position is somewhat ambiguous, because the role of the president is not fully determined, and it is unclear whether Randolph has resigned or is on leave. Like other congressional presidents, Hancock's authority is largely confined to lead officials. He also has to handle many official correspondences, and he feels the need to hire employees at his own expense to help with the paperwork.
In Congress on June 15, 1775, Massachusetts envoy John Adams nominated George Washington as army commander then gathered around Boston. Years later, Adams wrote that Hancock showed great disappointment for not getting orders for himself. This brief comment from 1801 is the only source for the often-cited claim that Hancock is trying to become commander-in-chief. At the beginning of the 20th century, historian James Truslow Adams wrote that the incident sparked a lifelong rift between Hancock and Washington, but some later historians have expressed doubt that the incident, or estrangement, ever happened. According to historian Donald Proctor, "There is no contemporary evidence that Hancock harbors ambition to be called the supreme commander, quite the opposite." Hancock and Washington maintained a good relationship after the alleged incident, and in 1778 Hancock named his only son John George Washington Hancock. Hancock admired and supported General Washington, although Washington politely rejected Hancock's request for military appointment.
When the Congress set on August 1, 1775, Hancock took the opportunity to marry his fiancee, Dorothy "Dolly" Quincy. The couple married on August 28 at Fairfield, Connecticut. John and Dorothy will have two children, no survivors to maturity. Their daughter Lydia Henchman Hancock was born in 1776 and died ten months later. Their son John was born in 1778 and died in 1787 after suffering a head injury during ice skating.
While the president of Congress, Hancock was involved in a prolonged controversy with Harvard. As a college treasurer since 1773, he has been entrusted with school financial records and about £ 15,000 in cash and securities. In the assault of events at the beginning of the Revolutionary War, Hancock was unable to return the money and accounts to Harvard before leaving for Congress. In 1777, the Harvard committee headed by James Bowdoin, Hancock's political and social rival in Boston, sent envoys to Philadelphia to extract money and records. Hancock was offended, but he handed over 16,000 pounds, though not all records, to college. When Harvard replaced Hancock as treasurer, his ego was bruised, and for years he refused to complete the account or pay interest on the money he had, despite the pressure given him by Bowdoin and other political opponents. The problem continued until after Hancock's death, when his real estate finally paid college over Ã, £ 1,000 to settle the matter.
Hancock served in Congress over the darkest days of the Revolutionary War. The British pushed Washington from New York and New Jersey in 1776, prompting Congress to flee to Baltimore, Maryland. Hancock and Congress returned to Philadelphia in March 1777, but were forced to flee six months later when the British occupied Philadelphia. Hancock wrote countless letters to colonial officials, collecting money, supplies, and troops for Washington troops. He leads the Marine Committee, and is proud to help create a small fleet of American frigates, including the USS Hancock , named after him.
Signing the Declaration
Hancock was president of Congress when the Declaration of Independence was adopted and signed. He is especially remembered by Americans because of his large and flamboyant signature on the Declaration, so much so that "John Hancock" became, in the United States, an informal synonym for signature . According to legend, Hancock signed his name largely and clearly so that King George can read it without his glasses, but the story is apocryphal and dating a few years later.
Contrary to popular mythology, there was no ceremonial signing of the Declaration on 4 July 1776. After Congress approved the text on July 4, a fair copy was sent for printing. As president, Hancock may have signed a document sent to John Dunlap's printer, but this is uncertain because the document is missing, probably destroyed in the printing process. Dunlap produced the first version of the published Declaration, the widespread Dunlap area. Hancock, as President of Congress, was the only delegate whose name appeared on the leaflet, although the name of Charles Thomson, secretary of the Continental Congress, but not a delegate, also on it as "Attacked by" implies that Hancock has signed a fair copy. This means that until the second leaflet is issued six months later with all the signers listed, Hancock is the only delegate whose name is openly attached to the treason document. Hancock sent a copy of Dunlap that widened to George Washington, instructing him to read it to the troops "in the way you think is most appropriate".
Hancock's name was printed, not signed, on Dunlap flyers; the iconic sign appeared on a different document - a carefully written piece of parchment shortly after July 19 and signed on August 2 by Hancock and the delegates present. Known as a salty copy, this is a well-known document that is on display at the National Archives in Washington, D.C.
Return to Massachusetts
In October 1777, after more than two years in Congress, President Hancock called for leave. He asked George Washington to arrange military escort for his return to Boston. Although Washington was understaffed, he still sent fifteen horsemen to accompany Hancock on his way home. At this time Hancock was alienated from Samuel Adams, who disagreed with what he saw as Hancock's arrogance and extravagance, which Adams did not deserve in the republican leader. When Congress decided to thank Hancock for his services, Adams and other Massachusetts delegates chose to oppose the resolution, as did some delegates from other countries.
Back in Boston, Hancock was re-elected to the House of Representatives. As in previous years, his philanthropy made him popular. Though his finances suffered heavily from war, he gave to the poor, helped support widows and orphans, and lent money to friends. According to biographer William Fowler, "John Hancock is a generous man and people love him for it, he is their idol." In December 1777, he was re-elected as a delegate to the Continental Congress and as a moderator of the Boston city meeting.
Hancock rejoined the Continental Congress in Pennsylvania in June 1778, but the short time there was unpleasant. In his absence, Congress has chosen Henry Laurens as its new president, which is a disappointment for Hancock, who hopes to retake his seat. Hancock got along badly with Samuel Adams, and missed his new wife and son. On July 9, 1778, Hancock and other Massachusetts delegates joined representatives from seven other countries in the signing of the Confederation Articles; the remaining countries are not yet ready to be signed, and the Budget will not be ratified until 1781.
Hancock returned to Boston in July 1778, motivated by the opportunity to finally lead the people in battle. In 1776, he was appointed senior senior of the Massachusetts militia. Now the French fleet has come to help America, General Washington instructed General John Sullivan of the Continental Army to lead an attack on the British garrison in Newport, Rhode Island, in August 1778. Hancock nominally ordered 6,000 militia members in the campaign, though he allowed the professional soldiers planning and issuing orders. It was a failure: French admiral d'Estaing left the operation, after which most Hancock militia left Sullivan Continentals. Hancock suffered some criticism of the disaster but emerged from his brief military career with his full popularity. He was a charter member of the American Academy of Arts and Science in 1780.
After many delays, the new Massachusetts Constitution finally came into effect in October 1780. Not surprisingly, Hancock was elected Governor of Massachusetts in a landslide, collecting more than 90% of the vote. In the absence of formal party politics, the contest is one of personality, popularity, and patriotism. Hancock is a very popular and unquestioned patriotic given his personal sacrifice and leadership at the Second Continental Congress. James Bowdoin, his main opponent, was thrown by Hancock's supporters as unpatriotic, citing among others his rejection (which due to poor health) to serving at the First Continental Congress. Bowdoin supporters, who essentially have commercial interests from the coastal community of Massachusetts, dump Hancock as an ingenious demagogue that invaded the population.
Hancock ruled Massachusetts at the end of the Revolutionary War and entered an economically troubled postwar period, repeatedly winning reelection with a wide margin. Hancock takes a hands-off approach to organizing, avoiding as many controversial issues as possible. According to William Fowler, Hancock "never really leads" and "never uses his power to deal with important issues facing the Commonwealth." Hancock ruled until his resignation on January 29, 1785. Hancock called his failing health as his reason, but he might have noticed the growing unrest in the countryside and wanted to get out of the office before trouble came. Hancock's critics sometimes believe he uses disease claims to avoid a difficult political situation. Historian James Truslow Adams writes that "Hancock's two main resources are money and gout, the former always used to gain popularity, and the second to prevent losing it." The turmoil that Hancock evaded eventually evolved as the Shays Rebellion, which must be faced by Hancock's heir, James Bowdoin. After the uprising, Hancock was re-elected in 1787, and he immediately forgave all the rebels. Hancock was re-elected to his annual post as governor for the rest of his life.
Last year
When he resigned as governor in 1785, Hancock was once again elected a delegate to the Continental Congress, known as the Confederate Congress after the ratification of the Confederate Budget in 1781. The Congress had declined in importance after the Revolutionary War, and was often ignored by the state. Congress elected Hancock to serve as his president, but he was never present due to his poor health and because he was not interested. He sent the Congress letter of resignation in 1786.
In an attempt to correct the perceived defect of the Confederate Budget, the delegation was first sent to the Annapolis Convention in 1786 and then to the Philadelphia Convention in 1787, where they drafted the Constitution of the United States, which was then sent to states for ratification. or rejection. Hancock, who was not present at the Philadelphia Convention, was concerned about the absence of a draft law on new constitutional rights and a shift of power to the central government. In January 1788, Hancock was elected president of the Massachusetts ratification convention, though he was ill and was absent when the convention began. Hancock remained mostly silent during the controversial debates, but when the convention was nearing completion, he gave a speech in favor of ratification. For the first time in years, Samuel Adams supported Hancock's position. Even with the support of Hancock and Adams, the Massachusetts Convention narrowly ratified the Constitution in a voice of 187 to 168. Hancock's support may be a decisive factor in ratification.
Hancock was presented as a candidate in the 1789 U. S. presidential election. As was the custom in an era where political ambitions were viewed with suspicion, Hancock did not campaign or even publicly express his interest in the office; he actually makes his wishes known indirectly. Like everyone else, Hancock knew that George Washington would be elected first president, but Hancock might be interested in being vice president, despite his poor health. Hancock received only four electoral votes in the election, however, none of them came from his home country; the Massachusetts voters all chose another Massachusetts native, John Adams, who received the second highest vote and thus became vice president. Although Hancock was disappointed with his appearance in the election, he continued to be popular in Massachusetts.
His health failed, Hancock spent his last few years as a doll's head. With his wife by his side, he died in bed on October 8, 1793, at the age of 56 years. At the behest of the governor of acting Samuel Adams, the funeral of Hancock is a state holiday; a luxurious funeral might be the grandest one given to Americans up to that time.
Legacy
Despite the great burial, Hancock faded from popular memory after his death. According to historian Alfred F. Young, "Boston celebrated just one hero in half a century after the Revolution: George Washington." In early 1809, John Adams complained that Hancock and Samuel Adams were "almost buried in oblivion". In Boston, little effort was made to preserve Hancock's historical legacy. Her home in Beacon Hill was demolished in 1863 after both the city of Boston and the Massachusetts legislature decided not to defend it. According to Young, Massachusetts's "conservative new elite" is uncomfortable with rich people who promise their wealth for revolutionary purposes. In 1876, with a hundred years of American independence renewing popular interests in the Revolution, the plaques honoring Hancock were placed in Boston. In 1896, a memorial column was finally erected on Hancock's basically unmarked grave in Granary Granary.
There is no complete biography of Hancock that appeared until the 20th century. The challenge facing Hancock's biographer is that, compared to the prominent Founding Fathers such as Jefferson and John Adams, Hancock left relatively little personal writing for historians to use in interpreting his life. Consequently, much of Hancock's depiction depends on the great writings of his political opponents, who are often highly critical of him. According to historian Charles Akers, "The main victim of Massachusetts historiography is John Hancock, the most talented and popular politician in the long history of Bay State, suffering misfortune as it is known to the next generation almost entirely through the judgment of his critics, Tory and Whig."
The most influential 20th century detractor of Hancock is the historian James Truslow Adams, who wrote a negative portrait of Hancock in Harper's Magazine and American Biography Dictionary in the 1930s. Adams argues that Hancock is a "fair chairman" but "does not have great ability", and stands out only because of the wealth he inherited. Decades later, historian Donald Proctor argued that Adams uncritically reiterated the negative views of Hancock's political opponents without doing any serious research. Adams "presents a series of disparaging, sometimes partially documented incidents and anecdotes, sometimes not documented at all, which ultimately leaves one with a very unfavorable Hancock impression." According to Proctor, Adams is clearly projecting his own rejection of a 1920s businessman into Hancock, and ultimately misrepresents some important events in Hancock's career. Writing in the 1970s, Proctor and Akers called on scholars to evaluate Hancock based on their merits, not on the views of his critics. From then on, historians usually present a better portrait of Hancock, admitting that he is not an important writer, political theorist, or military leader.
Many places and things in the United States have been named in honor of John Hancock. The US Navy has named the USS Hancock and USS John Hancock ; the Liberty ship of World War II was also named in his honor. Ten states have County Hancock named for him; other places named after him include Hancock, Massachusetts; Hancock, Michigan; Hancock, New Hampshire; Hancock, New York; and Mount Hancock in New Hampshire. John Hancock University was named for him, like John Hancock Financial, founded in Boston in 1862; it has nothing to do with Hancock's own business. The financial company passed the name to John Hancock Tower in Boston, John Hancock Center in Chicago, and John Hancock Student Village at Boston University.
See also
- The American Revolution
- List of the richest Americans in history
- List of richest historical figures
- Signing of the United States Declaration of Independence
- United States Declaration of Independence
References
Bibliography
Further reading
External links
- United States Congress. "John Hancock (id: H000149)". Directory of Biographies of the United States Congress .
- Profile at Biography.com
- Profile at UShistory.org
- Profile at History.com
- John Hancock in the Search of the Mausoleum
Source of the article : Wikipedia