Abortion in the United States has, and remains, a controversial issue in the culture and politics of the United States. Various anti-abortion laws have been in force in every country since at least 1900.
Prior to the decision of the US Supreme Court Roe v. Wade legalized national abortion in 1973, it was legal in some states, but the decision imposed a uniform framework for state legislation on this matter. It establishes a minimal period in which abortion should be legal (with more or fewer restrictions throughout pregnancy). The basic framework, modified in Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992), remains in place, although the availability of effective abortion varies greatly from state to state, as many districts do not have abortion providers. In accordance with Planned Parenthood v. Casey , countries can not place legal restrictions that impose undue burdens on "the purpose or effect of placing a substantial obstacle in the path of a woman seeking fetal abortion that can not survive."
In the United States, the main actors in the abortion debate are most often labeled as "pro-choice" or "pro-life", despite the nuances of opinion, and most Americans are considered to be in the middle. A Gallup.com survey of 1,024 adults found that opinions about abortion in the United States supported the election. The poll results also show that Americans have a diverse set of opinions and are shifting about the legal status of abortion in the United States. Surveys show that only 28% of respondents believe that abortion should be legal in infinite circumstances, and 48% of respondents believe that abortion should be legal under "most" or "just some circumstances". The latest poll results also found that only 34% of Americans are satisfied with the abortion laws in the United States.
Video Abortion in the United States
Terminology
The debate of abortion is most often associated with "induced abortion" of the embryo or fetus at some point in pregnancy, which is also how the term is used in legal sense. Some also use the term "elective abortion", used in conjunction with an unlimited claim of women's rights to abortion, whether he chooses to own or not.
In medical terms, "abortion" may refer to miscarriage or abortion until the fetus can live. After survival, doctors call abortion a "cessation of pregnancy".
Maps Abortion in the United States
History
Increase in anti-abortion laws
When the United States first became independent, most countries applied the common law of England to abortion. This means it is not allowed after the acceleration, or the beginning of the fetal movement, is usually felt 15-20 weeks after conception.
Abortion became illegal by law in Britain in 1803, and various anti-abortion laws began to emerge in the United States in the 1820s that codified or extended general law. In 1821, a Connecticut law targeted pharmacists who sold "poison" to women for the purpose of encouraging abortion, and New York undertook post-extraction abortions and pre-accelerated abortion into minor crimes in 1829. Some argued that the law, early American abortion laws were motivated not by ethical issues about abortion but by concerns about the safety of procedures. However, some legal theorists point out that this theory is inconsistent with the fact that abortion can be punished irrespective of whether there is harm to the pregnant woman and the fact that many of the earliest laws are punished not only doctors or abortion actors, but also women who employ them.
A number of other factors may play a role in the emergence of anti-abortion laws in the United States. Doctors, who are the principal proponents of the criminalizing law of abortion, appear to have been motivated at least in part by advances in medical knowledge. Science has found that conception formalizes a more or less sustainable development process, which will produce a new human if not disturbed. In addition, acceleration is found to be no more important or less important in the pregnancy process than any other step. Many doctors conclude that if people consider it unwarranted to end a pregnancy after the fetus is accelerated, and if speeding is a relatively unimportant step in the process of pregnancy, then it's equally wrong to end the pregnancy before it accelerates as it accelerates. Ideologically, the Hippocratic Oath and the medical mentality of that age to defend the value of human life as absolute also plays an important role in shaping opinions about abortion. Doctors are also influenced by practical reasons for enacting anti-abortion laws. For one, abortion providers tend to be untrained and not members of the medical community. In an age where the country's leading doctors are trying to standardize the medical profession, this "neglect" is considered a distraction to public health. More formal medical professions do not like "irregular" because they compete, often at a lower cost.
Despite campaigns to end the practice of abortion, abortifacient advertising is very effective in the United States, though less so across the Atlantic. The contemporary estimate of the 19th century abortion rate in the United States shows between 20-25% of all pregnancies in the United States during that era ended with abortion. This era saw a noticeable change in those who had an abortion. Before the start of the 19th century, most abortions were committed by unmarried women who were pregnant out of wedlock. Of the 54 cases of abortion published in the American medical journal between 1839 and 1880, more than half were sought by married women, and over 60% of married women had at least one child. The feeling that married women now often get abortion is worrying about many conservative doctors, who are almost exclusively male. In the post-Civil War era, many mistakes were placed on the growing rights of women.
Although the medical profession shows hostility toward feminism, many feminists of that era opposed abortion. In The Revolution , operated by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, an anonymous contributor to the signing of "A" wrote in 1869 on the subject, arguing that instead of just trying to legalize the law against abortion, the root of the problem must also be overcome. Passing an anti-abortion bill will, the writer says, "just cut the top of a poisonous weed, while the root remains. [...] No matter what his motives, his love, or the desire to save from suffering innocent people, it will burden his soul in death, but oh three guilty is he who sends him into despair that drives him to evil. " For many feminists of this era, abortion is perceived as an unwanted need imposed upon women by men who do not think. Even the "free love" wings of the feminist movement refuse to advocate abortion and treat the practice as a particularly sinister extreme example in which modern marriages encourage women. Married rape and seduction of unmarried women is a social disease that feminists believe causes the need to cancel, because men do not respect the right of women to abstain.
However, doctors remain the most violent voice in the anti-abortion debate, and they carry their anti-feminist agenda to legislate countries across the country, not only supporting anti-abortion laws, but also laws against birth control. This movement initiated a modern debate on the rights of women's bodies. A campaign was launched against the movement and use and availability of contraceptives.
Criminalization of abortion accelerated from the late 1860s, through the efforts of caring legislators, doctors, and the American Medical Association. In 1873, Anthony Comstock created the New York Society for Vice Repression, an institution dedicated to overseeing public morality. Later that year, Comstock succeeded in influencing the United States Congress to pass the Comstock Act, which made it illegal to send through US letters containing "obscene, obscene, or obscene" material. It is also prohibited to produce or publish information relating to the procurement of abortion or the prevention of conception or venereal disease, even for medical students. The production, publication, import, and distribution of such materials were suppressed under the Comstock Act as indecent, and similar bans were passed by 24 of the 37 states.
In 1900, abortion was a crime in every state. Some states include provisions that allow for abortion in limited circumstances, generally to protect a woman's life or to terminate a pregnancy arising from rape or incest. Abortion continues to happen, however, and becomes increasingly available. The American Birth Control League was founded by Margaret Sanger in 1921 to promote the establishment of birth control clinics and enable women to control their own fertility.
In the 1930s, licensed physicians performed about 800,000 abortions per year.
Sherri Finkbine
One famous case was handled by a woman named Sherri Finkbine. Born in Phoenix, Arizona, Sherri has 4 very healthy children. However, during her pregnancy with the fifth child, she finds that the child has many different defects. Sherri has taken sleeping pills containing a drug called Thalidomide which is also very popular in some countries. He later learned that this particular drug actually causes fetal deformities and he wanted to warn the general public. Finkbine desperately wanted an abortion, but Arizona's abortion law limited her decision. In Arizona, abortion can only happen if the mother's life is in danger. He met a reporter from The Arizona Republic and told his story. While Sherri Finkbine wants to remain anonymous, the reporter ignores this idea. On August 18, 1962, Finkbine went to Sweden to continue the abortion, because the law applied to him at that location. It was then determined, during the time in which he had an abortion, that the child would be severely disabled. The story of Sherri Finkbine marks a turning point for women as well as the history of abortion laws occurring in the United States. Sherri Finkbine, unlike many other women who are able to go abroad for an abortion. However, for women who have unwanted pregnancies, they may not be able to afford travel, so they are looking for a more illegal form of abortion.
Pre- Roe precedent
In 1964, Gerri Santoro of Connecticut died trying to get an illegal abortion and his photograph became a symbol of pro-choice movement. Some women's rights activist groups develop their own skills to provide abortion to women who can not get it elsewhere. For example, in Chicago, a group known as "Jane" operated a floating abortion clinic throughout the 1960s. The woman seeking the procedure will call the designated number and be instructed on how to find "Jane".
In 1965, the case of the US Supreme Court Griswold v. Connecticut attacked one of Comstock's remaining contraceptive laws in Connecticut and Massachusetts. However, Griswold applies only to marital relationships. Eisenstadt v. Baird (1972) extends its ownership to unmarried people as well. Following the Griswold case, the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) issued a medical bulletin accepting recommendations from the previous 6 years explaining that conception is implantation, not fertilization; and consequently birth control methods that prevent implantation are classified as contraceptives, not abortifacients.
In 1967, Colorado became the first country to decriminalize abortion in cases of rape, incest, or where pregnancy would cause permanent physical disability of women. Similar laws are passed in California, Oregon, and North Carolina. In 1970, Hawaii became the first state to legalize abortion at the request of the woman, and New York revoked the 1830 law and allowed abortion until the 24th week of pregnancy. Similar laws were soon passed in Alaska and Washington. In 1970, Washington held a referendum to legalize early pregnancy abortion, becoming the first country to legalize abortion by popular vote. A law in Washington, D.C., which allows abortion to protect the life or health of women, was challenged in the Supreme Court in 1971 in the United States v. Vuitch . The court upheld the law, assuming that "health" meant "psychological and physical well-being", essentially allowing abortion in Washington, DC By the end of 1972, 13 countries had laws similar to Colorado, while Mississippi allowed abortion in rape or incest cases alone and Alabama and Massachusetts allows abortion only in cases where the woman's physical health is threatened. To get an abortion during this period, women often travel from countries where abortion is illegal for countries where it is legal. Legal position before Roe v. Wade is that abortion is illegal in 30 states and legal in certain circumstances in 20 states.
In the late 1960s, a number of organizations were formed to mobilize both opposing opinions and for the legalization of abortion. In 1966, the National Conference of Catholic Bishops commissioned Monsignor James T. McHugh to document attempts to reform the abortion law, and anti-abortion groups began to form in various states in 1967. In 1968, McHugh led a group advisor who became the National Right for the Life Committee. Introduction NARAL Pro-Choice America was formed in 1969 to oppose restrictions on abortion and expand access to abortion. Following Roe v. Wade , at the end of 1973, NARAL became the National Abortion Rights Action League.
Roe v. Wade
Before Roe v. Wade, 30 states prohibit unauthorized abortion, 16 states prohibit abortion except in certain special circumstances (eg rape, incest, mother's health threat), 3 states allow residents to have abortions, and New York allows abortion in general. Earlier that year, on January 22, 1973, the Supreme Court at Roe v. Wade canceled all of these laws, and set guidelines for the availability of abortion. Roe stipulates that the right of a woman's privacy to get an abortion "should be considered against the important state interests in the regulation". Roe sets a "trimester" threshold (ie, 12 weeks) of the country's interest in fetal life that corresponds to an increase in "survival" (the possibility of survival outside the womb) during pregnancy, so the state is prohibited from forbidding abortion early in pregnancy but allowed to impose increased restriction or immediate prohibition later in pregnancy.
In deciding Roe v. Wade , the Supreme Court ruled that the Texas law prohibiting abortion unless it was necessary to save the mother's life was unconstitutional. The Court came to its conclusion by concluding that the issue of abortion and the right to abortion is under the right of privacy (in the sense of a person's rights not encroached by the state). In his opinion, it listed several landmark cases where the previous court had found the right to privacy implied by the Constitution. The Court does not recognize the right of abortion in all cases:
The state regulations that protect the life of the fetus after survival have logical and biological justification. If the State is interested in protecting the life of the fetus after survival, it may be so far as to prohibit abortion during that period, except when necessary to preserve the life or health of the mother.
The court stated that the right to privacy exists and includes the right to have an abortion. The court found that a mother had the right to an abortion to survival, a point to be determined by an abortion doctor. After survival a woman may obtain an abortion for health reasons, which the Court defines broadly to include psychological well-being.
A major problem in the case of Roe (and in the broader generalized abortion debate) is whether human life or personality begins at conception, birth, or at some point in between. The court refused to attempt to resolve the issue, saying: "We do not have to solve difficult questions when life begins.While those trained in the medical, philosophical and theological disciplines can not reach consensus, the judiciary, at this point in development human knowledge, is not in a position to speculate on the answer. "Instead, he chooses to show that historically, under the general laws and statutes of Britain and America," the unborn is never recognized... as a man in the whole sense, "and thus, the fetus is not legally entitled to the protection provided. by the right to life is specifically mentioned in the Fourteenth Amendment. So instead of asserting that human life begins at some point, the court simply states that the State has an "interesting interest" in protecting "potential life" at the point of survival.
Doe v. Bolton
Under Roe v. Wade , the state government should not prohibit late termination of pregnancy when "it is necessary to sustain life or health [of women]", even if it would result in a proper fetal death. This rule was clarified by the 1973 court decision Doe v. Bolton , which stipulates "that medical judgment can be done in the light of all factors - physical, emotional, psychological, family, and female age - relevant to the well-being of the patient". With this provision for the mental health of the mother that women in the US legally choose abortion after survival when screening revealed a disorder that does not cause the baby to die immediately after birth.
Jane Roe and Mary Doe
"Jane Roe" from the land suit Roe v. Wade , whose real name is Norma McCorvey, became a pro-life supporter later on in his life. McCorvey wrote that he never had an abortion and became a "pawn" of two young and ambitious lawyers who were looking for plaintiffs they could use to challenge the laws of the state of Texas prohibiting abortion. However, Linda Coffee's lawyer says she does not remember McCorvey having any doubts about wanting to have an abortion.
"Mary Doe" from marriage Doe v. Bolton, the mother of three whose real name is Sandra Cano, declares that she never wanted or had an abortion and that she was "certain ninety-nine percent that [she] did not sign" a statement to start the lawsuit. Subsequent court decisions
In the case of 1992 Planned Parenthood v. Casey , the Court ignores the Roe's strictly trimester framework. Roe has regarded it as "rigorous oversight" - traditional Supreme Court tests for the imposition of Constitutional basic rights, while Casey adopts an undue burden standard to evaluate state abortion. , but re-emphasizes the right to abortion based on the general sense of freedom and privacy protected under the constitution: "The constitutional protection of a woman's decision to terminate her pregnancy comes from the Fourteenth Amendment Process Clause, stating that no State should 'rob anyone of life, liberty, or property, without due process of justice. ' The word that controls in the cases ahead of us is 'freedom'. "
The Supreme Court continues to wrestle with cases on the subject. On April 18, 2007, he issued a verdict in the case of Gonzales v. Carhart , which involves a federal law entitled The Partial-Born Abortion Act of 2003 signed by President George W. Bush to become law.. The law prohibits dilatation and intact extraction, which is the opposite of abortion rights referred to as "partial birth abortion", and provides that anyone who violates the law will get a prison sentence of up to 2.5 years. The US Supreme Court upheld the 2003 ban by a slim 5-4 majority, marking the first time the Court has authorized the prohibition of any kind of abortion since 1973. The opinion, which came from Anthony Kennedy's trial, joins the Judges Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, and two newly appointed persons, Samuel Alito and Chief Justice John Roberts.
In the case of Whole Women's Health v. Hellerstedt , the Supreme Court in Decree 5-3 on 27 June 2016 abolished the form of state restrictions on the way an abortion clinic can function. The Texas Legislation enacted in 2013 restrictions on the delivery of abortion services that create undue burdens for women seeking abortions by requiring abortion doctors to obtain "privileges" that are difficult to obtain at local hospitals and by requiring clinics to have expensive hospitals-large facilities. The court dismissed these two "face-to-face" provisions of the law in question - that is, the words of the provisions were invalid, no matter how they were applied in any practical situation. According to the Supreme Court, the task of assessing whether a law places an unconstitutional burden on women's right to an abortion belongs to the court, rather than the legislature.
Current legal status
Federal law
Since 1995, led by congressional members, the US House of Representatives and the US Senate have moved several times to pass measures that prohibit intensive dilation and extraction procedures, commonly known as partial birth abortions. The measures passed twice with wide margins, but President Bill Clinton vetoed the bill in April 1996 and October 1997 on the grounds that they did not include health exemptions. Congressional supporters of the RUU argue that a health exemption would make the bill unworkable, as the decision of Doe v. Bolton defines "health" in vague terms, justifying any motive for getting an abortion. Congress was unsuccessful with subsequent attempts to override the veto.
The Born-Alive Infants Protection Act of 2002 ("BAIPA") was enacted on 5 August 2002 by the Congress Act and signed into law by George W. Bush. This confirms the human rights of babies born after the failed attempt to induce abortion. A "live-born baby" is defined as "person, person, child, individual". "Live birth" is defined as complete expulsion of the baby at each stage of development that has a heartbeat, throat, breathing, or voluntary muscle movement, no matter if the umbilical cord has been cut or if the baby's expulsion is natural, induced labor, caesarean section, or induced abortion.
On October 2, 2003, with a vote of 281-142, the House of Representatives approved the Partial Abortion Ban Act to prohibit partial birth abortion, with the exception in cases of fatal threats against the woman. Through this law, a doctor can face two years in prison and civil action to carry out such a procedure. A woman undergoing a procedure can not be prosecuted under the meter. On October 21, 2003, the United States Senate passed the bill with a 64-34 vote, with some Democrats joining in support. The bill was signed by President George W. Bush on November 5, 2003, but a federal judge blocked its enforcement in some countries just hours after it became a public law. The Supreme Court upheld the national ban on procedures in the case of Gonzales v. Carhart on April 18, 2007, signaling a substantial change in the Court's approach to abortion laws. Rule 5-4 says that the Partial Partial Abortion Partial Law does not conflict with previous decisions regarding abortion.
The current legal interpretation of the US Constitution on abortion in the United States, following the decision of the United States Supreme Court of 1973 at Roe v. Wade , and the next companion decision, is that the abortion is legal but may be limited by the state to varying degrees. States have passed legislation to limit long-term abortions, require parental notices for minors, and mandate disclosure of risk information of abortion to patients prior to the procedure.
Key, the deliberate article of the US Constitution is the Fourteenth Amendment, which states that
The official report of the US Senate Judiciary Committee, issued in 1983 after an extensive session on Human Amendment (proposed by Senators Orrin Hatch and Thomas Eagleton), stated that
Thus, the [Judiciary] Committee observes that there is no significant legal obstacle in any form currently available in the United States for a mother to get an abortion for any reason during her pregnancy stage.
One aspect of the current legal abortion regime in place has determined when a "proper" fetus is outside the womb as a measure when the "life" of a fetus is its own (and therefore can be protected by the state). In majority opinion submitted by the court at Roe v. Wade , viability is defined as "potentially able to live outside the mother's womb, even with artificial help." Survival is usually placed at about seven months (28 weeks) but may occur earlier, even at 24 weeks. When the court ruled in 1973, current medical technology showed that viability could occur as early as 24 weeks. Progress over the last three decades has allowed the fetus a few weeks less than 24 weeks to survive outside the womb of a woman. This scientific achievement, while saving lives for premature babies, has made the determination of being "feasible" somewhat more complicated.
In 2006, the youngest child who survived a premature birth in the United States was a girl born at the Kapiolani Medical Center in Honolulu, Hawaii at 21 weeks and 3 days. Due to a split between federal and state law, legal access to abortion continues to vary by country. Geographic availability varies dramatically, with 87 percent of US territory lacking an abortion provider. In addition, due to the Hyde Amendment, many state health programs do not include abortion; currently 17 states (including California, Illinois, and New York) offer or request such coverage.
The legality of abortion in the United States is often a big issue in the nomination battle for the US Supreme Court. The nominees usually remain silent on this issue during their trial, since the matter can appear before them as judges.
The Unresolved Anti-Violence Law, commonly known as "Drawer and Conner's Law" was adopted by Congress and signed into law by President Bush on 1 April 2004, allowing two demands to be filed against a person who killed a pregnant mother (one for mother and one for the fetus). This specifically prohibits allegations against mothers and/or doctors relating to abortion procedures. Nevertheless, it has generated much controversy among pro-choice supporters who see it as a potential step in the direction of banning abortion.
The Painful Child Protection Act is a United States Congress law to ban long-term abortion nationally after 20 weeks post-conception on the grounds that the fetus is able to feel pain during abortion at and after the point of pregnancy. The bill was first introduced in Congress in 2013. It successfully passed the House in 2013, 2015, and 2017, but has not passed the Senate. Opponents of the bill reject claims made by supporters of the bill on fetal development, and argue that such restrictions would endanger women's health.
State-by-state legal status
Legal abortion in all US states, and each state has at least one abortion clinic. Abortion is a controversial political issue, and routine attempts to limit it occur in most states. One such case, originating in Texas, caused the Supreme Court case of Whole Woman Health v. Hellerstedt (2016) where some Texas restrictions are hit.
The issue of minors and abortions is regulated at the state level, and 37 states require parental involvement, either in the form of parental consent or in the form of parental notices. In certain situations, parental restrictions may be overridden by courts. Mandatory pending periods, mandatory ultrasound and scripted counseling are restrictions on general abortion. Abortion laws are generally more stringent in the conservative Southern state.
Abortion in the Northern Mariana Islands, the Commonwealth of the United States, is illegal.
Qualification requirements for abortion providers
Qualification requirements for abortion vary from state to state. Currently, California, Oregon, Montana, Vermont and New Hampshire allow qualified non-physician healthcare professionals, such as physician assistants, nurse practitioners, and certified nurse midwives, to perform first-trimester aspiration abortions and prescribe medication for medical abortion. The states of Washington, New Mexico, Illinois, Alaska, Maryland, New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Jersey allow non-doctors eligible to prescribe drugs for medical abortion only. In all other states, only licensed doctors can have an abortion. In 2016, the FDA issued new guidelines recommending that qualified non-physician health care professionals be allowed to prescribe mifepristone in all countries; However, these guidelines are not binding, and the free state to determine their own policies regarding mifepristone.
Statistics
Because abortion reporting is not mandatory, statistics have various reliability. Both the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) and the Guttmacher Institute regularly compile these statistics.
In the CDC chart below, much of the sharp decline in abortions in 1995 was due to the fact that fewer countries reported abortion to the CDC beginning in 1995.
Number of abortions in the United States
The annual number of law-induced abortions in the US doubled between 1973 and 1979, and peaked in 1990. There was a slow but steady decline throughout the 1990s. Overall, the number of annual abortions decreased by 6% between 2000 and 2009, with a temporary surge in 2002 and 2006.
In 2011, the country's abortion rate dropped to its lowest point since the Supreme Court legalized the procedure. According to a study conducted by the Guttmacher Institute, the long-term method of contraception has a significant impact on reducing unwanted pregnancies. There are fewer than 17 abortions for every 1,000 women of childbearing age. That's 13% -downing from 2008 figures and slightly higher than the rate in 1973, when Roe v. Wade The Supreme Court legalizes abortion. This study indicates a decline in the rate of abortion in the long term. This number has dropped significantly from the high over time in 1981, when there were about 30 abortions for every 1,000 women of reproductive age. The total number of abortions also fell 13% from 2008 to nearly 1.1 million in 2011. In 2013, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention also reported a decrease in abortion rates.
Although legal abortion today, it can bring about a heavy social stigma; the incidence of abortion may be difficult to measure because in medicine, they can be reported as diverse as miscarriage, "miscarriage caused," "menstrual rule," "small abortion," and "delayed menstrual regulation."
Medical abortion
The Guttmacher Institute survey of abortion providers estimated that early medical abortion accounted for 17% of all non-hospital abortions and slightly more than a quarter of abortions before 9 weeks of pregnancy in the United States in 2008. Voluntary medical abortions were reported to the CDC by 34 reporting areas ( not including Alabama, California, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Hawaii, Illinois, Louisiana, Maryland, Massachusetts, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Vermont, Wisconsin, and Wyoming) and published in its annual abortion monitoring report has increased every years from the approval of the FDA of 28 September 2000 from mifepristone (RU-486): 1.0% in 2000, 2.9% in 2001, 5.2% in 2002, 7.9% in 2003, 9.3 % in 2004, 9.9% in 2005, 10.6% in 2006, 13.1% in 2007, 15.8% in 2008, 17.1% in 2009 (25.2% of those who are less than 9 weeks of gestation). Medical abortions accounted for 32% of first trimester abortions at the Planned Parenthood clinic in the United States in 2008.
Abortion and religion
Abortion is common among women who are religiously identified. According to the Guttmacher Institute, "more than 7 out of 10 US women get abortions reporting religious affiliations (37% Protestant, 28% Catholic, and 7% others), and 25% attending religious services at least once a month. per 1,000 women, while Catholic women have slightly higher rates, 22 per 1,000. "
Abortion and ethnicity
Abortion rates tend to be higher among minority women in the US. In 2000-2001, due to lower access to health care and contraception, the rates among black and Hispanic women were 49 per 1,000 and 33 per 1,000, respectively, vs. 13 per 1,000 among non-Hispanic white women. Note that this figure includes all women of reproductive age, including non-pregnant women. In other words, this rate of abortion reflects the rate at which women of reproductive age of the US have an abortion every year. While white women get 60% of all abortions, African American women are three times more likely to have abortions. In 2012, New York City reported abortions (31,328) more than live births (24,758) for black children. Black and Hispanic blacks were combined (54,245), accounting for 73% of total abortions in cities by 2012, according to a report by the New York City Department of Health and Hygiene, Office of Vital Statistics.
In 2004, the rate of abortion by ethnicity in the US was 50 abortions per 1,000 black women, 28 abortions per 1,000 Hispanic women, and 11 abortions per 1,000 white women.
Reasons for abortion
A1998 study revealed that from 1987 to 1988, women reported the following as the main reason they chose abortion:
This source of information considers findings from 27 countries including the United States, and as such, these findings may not be unique to one nation.
According to a 1987 study that included specific data on late abortion (i.e., abortion "at gestational age of 16 or more weeks), women reported that various reasons contributed to late abortion:
In 2000, cases of rape or incest accounted for 1% of abortions.
A 2004 study by the Guttmacher Institute reported that women mentioned the following among the reasons they chose to have an abortion:
The 2008 National Family Growth Survey (NSFG) shows that undesirable pregnancy rates are highest among blacks, Hispanics, and women with low socioeconomic status.
- 70% of all pregnancies among unwanted black women
- 57% of all pregnancies among Hispanic women are undesirable
- 42% of all pregnancies among unwanted white women When women have an abortion (based on gestational age)
- The June 2000 Los Angeles Times survey found that, although 57% of polltakers consider abortion to be murder, half of that 57% believe that women are allowed access to abortion. The survey also found that, overall, 65% of respondents did not believe that abortion should be legal after the first trimester, including 72% of women and 58% of men. Furthermore, the survey found that 85% of Americans surveyed supported abortion in cases of risk to women's physical health, 54% if women's mental health was at risk, and 66% if congenital abnormalities were detected in the fetus.
- The July 2002 Public Agenda poll found that 44% of men and 42% of women thought "abortion should be publicly available to those who want it," 34% of men and 35% of women thought that "abortion should be available but under strict than the present limit, "and 21% of men and 22% of women think that" abortion should not be allowed ".
- The ABC News/ Washington Post/January 2003 poll also examined attitudes toward gender-based abortion. To answer the question, "On abortion, do you think abortion should be legal in all cases, legal in most cases, illegal in most cases or illegal in all cases?", 25% of women responded that it should be legal in "all cases", 33% which should be legal in "most cases", 23% should be illegal in "most cases", and 17% should be illegal in "all cases". 20% of men think it should be legitimate in "all cases", 34% legal in "most cases", 27% illegal in "most cases", and 17% illegal in "all cases".
- Most Fox News viewers love both parent notices and parental permissions, when a minor is looking for an abortion. The Fox News poll of 2005 found that 78% of people liked the terms of notification, and 72% agreed to the terms of approval.
- Harris's April 2006 poll on Roe v. Wade, inquired, "In 1973, the US Supreme Court ruled that state laws prohibiting a woman from having an abortion for up to three months of unconstitutional pregnancy, and that a decision on whether a woman should have an abortion of up to three months of pregnancy should be left to the woman and her doctor to decide.In general, do you support or oppose this section of the Supreme AS The court made an abortion decision for up to three months of legal pregnancy? ", of which 49% of respondents showed a temporary 47% favor showing opposition. Harris's organization has concluded from this poll that, "49 percent now support Roe vs. Wade".
- Two polls released in May 2007 asked Americans "Regarding the issue of abortion, do you consider yourself pro-choice or pro-life?" May 4-6, CNN poll found 45% said pro-choice and 50% said pro-life. In the following week, Gallup's poll found 50% responding to pro-choice and 44% pro-life.
- In 2011, a poll conducted by the Institute for Religious Research found that 43% of respondents identified themselves as "pro-life" and "pro-choice".
- 32 countries and D. C. fund abortion through Medicaid only in cases of rape, incest, or life-threatening. SD covers abortion only in life-threatening cases, which do not comply with federal requirements under the Hyde Amendment. IN, UT, and WI have expanded coverage for women whose physical health is threatened, and IA, MS, UT, and VA also include cases of fetal abnormalities.
- 17 countries (AK, AZ, CA, CT, HI, IL, NM, NY, OR, VT, WA, WV) use their own funds to cover all or most "" Medically required abortions sought by low-income women under Medicaid, 13 of whom are required by State court orders to do so.
- 5 states (ID, KY, MO, ND, OK) limits the coverage of abortion service insurance in personal plans: OK limits liability for life, rape or incest; and four other countries limiting coverage for life-threatening cases.
- 12 countries (CO, IL, KY, MA, MS, NE, ND, OH, PA, RI, SC, VA) restricted the coverage of abortion in the insurance plan for public employees, with CO and KY limiting the coverage of abortion insurance below any circumstances.
- US. the law also prohibits federal abortion financing for federal employees and their dependents, Native Americans covered by the Indian Health Services, their military and dependent personnel, and women with disabilities covered by Medicare.
- Abortion and religion
- Abortion by country
- Anti-abortion violence in the United States
- The Catholic Church and abortion in the United States
- Feminism in the United States
- Reproduction rights
- Type of abortion restrictions in the United States
- The War on Women
- Notable cases Becky Bell, an American teen girl who died of unsafe abortion in 1988.
- Sherri Finkbine, an actress who has trouble finding an abortion for her disabled Thalidomide baby.
- Gerardo Flores, convicted in 2005 for two counts of massive murder for giving his girlfriend, who brings a twin brother, an abortion at home.
- Rosie Jimenez, an American woman who died as the first recorded death due to an illegal abortion after a federal Medicaid fund for an abortion was removed by the Hyde Amendment.
- Gerri Santoro, an American woman who died of an illegal abortion in 1964.
According to the Centers for Disease Control, in 2011, most (64.5%) abortions were performed by pregnancy <= 8 weeks, and almost all (91.4%) were performed by <= 13 weeks gestation. Some abortions (7.3%) were performed between 14-20 weeks gestation or> gestation = 21 weeks (1.4%). From 2002 to 2011, the percentage of all abortions performed at <= 8 weeks gestation increased 6%.
Abortion security
In the US, a woman has a greater risk of death during childbirth than from an abortion for a pregnancy terminated on or before 21 weeks' gestation.
Public opinion
Approaching the 40th anniversary of the decision Roe v. Wade Supreme Court in January 2013, the majority of Americans believe that abortion should be legal in all or most cases, according to a poll by NBC News and Wall Street Journal . In addition, about 70% of respondents opposed Roe v. Wade is canceled, which is the highest percentage on this question since 1989. A poll by the Pew Research Center yielded similar results. In addition, 48% of Republicans opposed Roe's overturn, compared with 46% in favor of overturning it.
Gallup notes that the attitude of abortion shifts. Gallup stated in May 2010 that more Americans identify as "pro-life" is "normal new", while also noting that there is no increase in opposition to abortion. It shows that political polarization may have encouraged more Republicans to call themselves "pro-life". The terms "pro-choice" and "pro-life" do not necessarily reflect political views or fall with the binaries; in a poll of the Institute for Religious Research, seven out of ten Americans described themselves as "pro-choice" while nearly two-thirds described themselves as "pro-life". The same poll found that 56% of Americans support legal access to abortion in all or some cases.
By gender, age, party and region
Polling Pew Research Center shows a slight change in view from 2008 to 2012; simple differences by sex or age.
(The original article table is also indicated by party affiliation, religion, and education level.)
The New York Times CBS News/New York Times poll of January 2003 examined whether Americans thought abortion should be legal or not, and found variations of opinion that depended on party affiliation and territory of the country. The margin of error is/- 4% for questions answered from all samples ("whole" numbers) and possibly higher for questions submitted from subgroups (all other numbers).
Toward the trimester of pregnancy
The CNN/USA Today polls/Gallup in January 2003 asked about the legality of abortion in the trimester, using the question, "Do you think abortion should generally be legal or generally illegal during each of the following stages? pregnancy? "This same question was also asked by Gallup in March 2000 and July 1996. The polls show the general support of legal abortion during the first trimester, although support dropped dramatically for abortions during the second and third trimesters.
Based on the circumstances or reasons
According to Gallup's old poll on abortion, the majority of Americans are not really Pro-Life or Pro-Choice; it depends on the circumstances. The Gallup poll from 1996 to 2009 consistently reveals that when asked the question, "Do you think abortion should be legal under any circumstances, legal only under certain circumstances, or illegal in all circumstances?", Americans repeatedly replied "legitimate only in certain circumstances ". According to the poll, in one year 48-57% said it is only valid under certain circumstances (for 2009, 57%), 21-34% said the law under any circumstances (for 2009, 21%), and 13-19% illegal in all circumstances (for 2009, 18%), with 1-7% have no opinion (for 2009, 4%).
"Do you think the abortion should be legal under any circumstances, legal only in certain circumstances, or illegal in all circumstances?"
According to the polls mentioned above, Americans differ drastically based on the situation of pregnancy, indicating that they do not support unconditional abortion. Based on two separate polls taken May 19-21, 2003, from 505 and 509 respondents, the US declared their agreement to abortion in these circumstances:
Other ballot trials taken by Gallup in 2003, 2000, and 1996, reveal public support for abortion as follows for the given criteria:
Gallup also established public support for many issues supported by the Pro-Life community and opposed by the Pro-Choice community:
The October 2007 CBS News poll was explored in what situations Americans believe that abortion should be allowed, posing the question, "What is your personal feeling about abortion?" The result is as follows:
Additional polls
Partial birth abortion
"Partial-birth abortion" is the nomenclature for a procedure called whole dilation and extraction is commonly used by those who oppose the procedure. A Rasmussen poll reported four days after the Supreme Court's opinion in Gonzales v. Carhart found that 40% of respondents "know the ruling states allow to place some restrictions on certain abortion procedures." Of those who knew the decision, 56% agreed with the decision and 32% opposed. An ABC poll from 2003 found that 62% of respondents thought partial birth abortions should be illegal; a number of the same respondents wanted an exception "if it would prevent a serious threat to women's health".
Gallup has repeatedly asked the American public about this issue, as seen on the Abortion page:
Financing of abortion
The debate over abortion has also been extended to the question of who pays for medical costs procedures, with some countries using mechanisms as a way of reducing the number of abortions. The cost of abortion varies depending on factors such as location, facility, time, and type of procedure. In 2005, non-hospital abortions at 10 weeks 'gestation ranged from $ 90 to $ 1,800 (mean: $ 430), while abortions at 20 weeks' gestation ranged from $ 350 to $ 4,520 (mean: $ 1,260). The cost is higher for medical abortion than first trimester surgical abortion.
Medicaid
The Hyde Amendment is a federal legislative provision that prohibits the use of federal Medicaid funds to pay for abortion except for rape and incest. Provisions, in various forms, are in response to Roe v. Wade, and has been regularly attached to the annual allocation bill since 1976, and represents the first major legislative success by the pro-life movement. The law requires that states include abortions under Medicaid in terms of rape, incest, and life-threatening. Under federal law:
Personal insurance
U.S. political party position
Although members of both major political parties descend on both sides of the problem, Republicans are often seen as pro-life, since the party's platform officially opposes abortion and considers unborn children to have an inherent right to life. The Republican Party for Choice represents a minority of the party. In 2006, the survey found that 9% of Republicans supported the availability of abortion in most circumstances. Of delegates to the Republican National Convention in 2004, 13% believed that abortion should be publicly available, and 38% believed that it should not be allowed. The same poll shows that 17% of all Republican voters believe that abortion should be publicly available to those who want it, while 38% believe it should not be allowed.
The Democratic Party's platform regards abortion as a woman's right. Democrats for Life of America represent a minority of the party. In 2006, survey agencies found that 74% of Democrats supported the availability of abortion in most circumstances. However, the Zogby International poll in 2004 found that 43% of all Democrats believe that abortion "destroys human life, and is a massacre". From the delegation of the Democratic National Convention in 2004, 75% believed that abortion should be publicly available, and 2% believed that abortion should not be allowed. The same polls show that 49% of all Democratic voters believe that abortion should be publicly available to those who want it, while 13% believe it should not be allowed.
The United States Green Party supports legal abortion as a woman's right.
The Libertarian Party Platform (2012) states that "the government should be kept away from this issue, leaving questions to everyone on the grounds of their conscience". Abortion is a controversial issue among Libertarians, and Maryland-based Libertarian for Life organization opposes the legality of abortion in most circumstances.
In the United States the problem of abortion has become heavily politicized: in 2002, 84% of Democratic state platforms supported the right to have abortions while 88% of the Republic's state platform opposed it. This distinction also causes Right Christian organizations such as Christian Voice, Christian Coalition and Majority Morals have an increasingly strong role in the Republican Party. The opposition has been extended under the Foreign Assistance Act: in 1973 Jesse Helms introduced amendments prohibiting the use of aid money to promote abortion abroad, and in 1984 Mexico City Policy prohibited financial support to foreign organizations that undertook or promote abortion. "Mexico City Policy" was repealed by President Bill Clinton and later restored by President George W. Bush. President Barack Obama rejected this policy with the Executive Order on January 23, 2009.
Legal effects
The risk of death due to legal abortion has declined significantly since legalization in 1973, due to improved physician skills, improved medical technology, and early termination of pregnancy. From 1940 to 1970, maternal deaths during abortion fell from almost 1,500 to slightly above 100. According to the Centers for Disease Control, the number of women who died in 1972 of illegal abortions was thirty-nine (39).
The Roe Effect is a hypothesis that shows that because supporters of abortion rights lead to erosion of their own political base by having fewer children, the practice of abortion will ultimately lead to restriction or illegality of abortion. Approved abortions and crime effects are another controversial theory that states legal abortion reduces crime, because unwanted children are more likely to be criminals.
Since Roe v Wade, there have been many attempts to reverse the decision. In the 2011 election season, Mississippi put an amendment on a vote that redefined how the state views abortion. Personality amendments change the personality as "every human being from the moment of conception, cloning or functional equivalent". If passed, it would be illegal to have an abortion in the state.
On July 11, 2012, a Mississippi federal judge ordered an interim order to allow the country's only abortion clinic to remain open. The order will remain in effect until US District Judge Daniel Porter Jordan III can review the newly drafted rules on how the Mississippi Health Department will set up a new abortion law. The law comes into force on 1 July 2012.
Unwanted direct birth
Although rare, women occasionally give birth despite attempts at abortion. Reporting live births after abortion attempts may be inconsistent from one state, but 38 were recorded in a study in northern New York within two and a half years before Roe v. Wade. Under the Born-Life Protection Act of 2002, medical staff should report live births if they observed breathing, heart rate, cord pulsation, or confirmation of voluntary muscle movement, regardless of gestational age. To ensure the success of the abortion procedure, doctors are advised to induce fetal death before the abortion procedure after 21 weeks of pregnancy, especially when induced abortion of labor.
See also
Footnote
Further reading
- Karen Weingarten, Abortion in American Imagination: Before Life and Choice, 1880-1940. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2014.
External links
- Full Text Roe v. Wade Decision
- Interactive map compares abortion of US abortion by state
- Number of Abortions - Abortion Counters
- For Many Women, The Nearest Abortion Provider Is Hundreds of Miles Away - Includes maps showing distance to the nearest abortion clinic
- Go to the short compromise solution essay
Source of the article : Wikipedia
0 Comments